Great Britains claims on the Malvinas are tenuos to say the least and world public opinion is against them . Suprisingly they seem to be caving in with even a backlash in the United Kingdom with some commentators actively saying that they are Argentinas and they are righfully ours. This balanced link below clearly shows that Argentinas claim on the Malvinas is and has always been correct.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/25/falklands-sovereignty-argentina-britain
It's time to talk about the Falklands
Britain should stop behaving like a 19th-century colonial power and start discussing Falkland sovereignty with Argentina
A union flag waves over Stanley, Falklands. Photograph: Daniel Garcia/AFP/Getty Images
"We have no doubt about our sovereignty over the Falkland Islands,"
said Foreign Office minister Chris Bryant this week. But official papers show that, for more than a century, the Foreign Office has had qualms about the merits of Britain's claim to the Falklands.
In 1910, a 17,000-word memo was commissioned by the Foreign Office to look at the historical dispute over sovereignty. The study highlighted many weaknesses in the British case and can be seen as our equivalent of
the Pentagon Papers, the leaked study of US policy in Vietnam.
The holes in the British case shocked many officials in Whitehall. The head of the Foreign Office's American department, Gerald Spicer, wrote: "From a perusal of this memo it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Argentine government's attitude is not altogether unjustified and that our action has been somewhat high-handed."
An assistant secretary in the same department wrote: "The only question is who did have the best claim at the time when we finally annexed the islands. I think undoubtedly the United Province of Buenos Aires." And the British ambassador in Argentina, Sir Malcolm Robertson, wrote in 1927: "I must confess that, until I received that memorandum myself a few weeks ago, I had no idea of the strength of the Argentine case nor of the weakness of ours."
The study was regarded as so explosive that the British government withdrew it from public view during the Falklands war, but it's now available in the
National Archives.
No one really knows who first discovered the Falklands. Pro-Argentine academics suggest Italian-born explorer
Amerigo Vespucci, discovered the islands as early as 1501; pro-British historians make the case for the English explorers
John Davis (1592) and
Sir Richard Hawkins (1594), while many scholars say the only conclusively documented discovery was by the Dutchman
Sebald de Weert in 1600. All agree that what is now known as East Falkland was first settled by the French in 1764. The French ceded control of the island to Spain in 1767.
A year after the French landed, the British established a settlement at Port Egmont on West Falkland, but abandoned the territory in 1774. Spain maintained a presence on the Falklands until 1811. The newly independent
United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (which included Argentina) believed that Spanish possessions should revert to them and in 1820 sent a ship to the abandoned Falklands. In 1829, Argentina appointed a governor. The British then sent two warships to the Falklands and struck the Argentine flag. Argentina, impoverished and divided, did not have the means to resist.
The British case, in recent times, has focused on its peaceful occupation of the islands for the last 177 years and the self-determination of the Falkland islanders. Argentina maintains that the islands were illegally annexed by Britain in 1833 and remain to this day a colony, an anachronism in the 21st century. A
1965 United Nations resolution backs, to some extent, the Argentine position by ruling that the principle of decolonisation applies to the Falklands.
This week the 32 nations of Latin America unanimously backed Argentina in the recent dispute over oil because for most developing nations it is a simple question of colonialism. Britain may not have formally colonized much of Latin America, but as the world's preeminent power in the 19th century, its bankers and merchants had a stranglehold on the new nations' economies. In 1824, George Canning wrote of Latin American independence: "Spanish America is free, and if we do not mismanage our affairs sadly, she is English."
For a colonial power in the 19th century, the Falklands offered not only fishing and whaling opportunities, but a strategic port in the Atlantic, a base from which to suppress piracy or police the trade of rival powers and a key outpost en route to the Pacific and Antarctic.
Today the territory holds a similar strategic value and has the added bonus of oil. Britain and Argentina have been aware of hydrocarbon deposits around the Falklands for decades and diplomatic spats over oil-exploration predate the 1982 Falklands war.
Is it not time for Britain to stop behaving like a 19th-century colonial power and heed the call of the United Nations to discuss the question of sovereignty with Argentina?