This part (of the article) is false:
Its submissions to the United Nations have been met by the UK’s robust rebuttal and a detailed, factual account of events going back centuries validating British sovereignty.
The UN asks both parts to talk but the UK refuses, arguing that she will only talk when the islanders desire so. Argentina argues against that stance but receives no answer. A rebuttal is something quite different.
Moreover, there is no such detailed account. Lawrence Freedman is UK's Official Historian of the Falklands Campaign and author of
The official history of the Falklands Campaign, among other work on the subject. I quote from his book (page 2):
This question was considered in public in a semi-formal manner a few months after the Falkland Islands had been retaken by Britain after an Argentine attempt to settle the matter in its favour by force. A Select Committee of the House of Commons addressed seriously the question of who actually owned the Islands. The Government insisted that there was no issue, but Members of Parliament were clearly troubled by a confusing story, which went some way to explaining why it was that Argentina had been so persistent in its claim. As the Committee was about to reach a conclusion, the May 1983 general election intervened, and it took until the next year before a reconstituted Committee could issue a report. The result was hardly a ringing endorsement of Britain’s claim to a territory on whose behalf it had just gone to war. The Committee declared itself ‘unable to reach a categorical conclusion on the legal validity of the claims’ of either Britain or Argentina. It then raised the significance of the Argentine invasion of 1982 by declaring that this in effect had decided the matter. The ‘historical argument…has been rendered less relevant by Argentina’s illegal resort to arms.’
This argument of the war settling the question, which I left inside the quote to maintain proper context, was disputed even by a UN resolution.
Freedman later says that UK's case is currently based on prescription, as they have abandoned previous arguments based on historical facts, mostly because research in the early 1900s concluded that they were weak. Authoritative literature supports this version, frequently giving more emphasis on the shortcomings of the British historical case and casting doubts on the applicability of prescription. To address these kinds of doubts, the UK cast the card of self determination. Freedman says (p. 13):
In late 1981 the Research Department at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) produced a paper on the British case. The intention had been to produce a sanitised version to pass to suitable contacts but officials were clearly surprised by the conclusion that the British case rested ‘almost entirely on 148 years of continuous settlement.’ This was not a view that officials chose to put to the test, especially given the ‘probable inbuilt anti-colonial bias of most of the international institutions which might be involved if the case went to arbitration.’ ... By the time the conflict started in 1982 officials were stressing, particularly in the context of a possible referral to the ICJ, the importance of self-determination.
Yet, self determination is also disputable, as has been written in competent sources, given that the islanders are an imported population. As far as I understand, that more or less summarizes the British case, which has its value but is clearly inconclusive.
Therefore, the lines I quoted from the article are ungrounded and misleading on a key matter. There are no serious grounds to refer to alleged 'historical falsehoods and misinformation deployed in support of Argentina’s claim'. This is probably due to some pseudo-revisionist self-published texts that have been circulating, which contradict established literature and, afaik, haven't been taken seriously in educated circles. I responded to some of their challenges in the last pages of this other thread:
http://baexpats.org/world-politics/19267-will-falklands-debacle-soon-repeated-6.html
Besides, we will probably agree that name giving as in 'Only the incompetent Argentines could achieve the impossible' doesn't make good journalism.
The rest of the article may have useful points, although I seriously doubt that the situation in Buenos Aires is as apocalyptic as it may be reasonably interpreted from it. If you are living here, you may judge it yourselves. Those who don't live here perhaps can't. Just as with the points above: those who are interested enough to read about the subject may identify partisan and ungrounded statements, but a majority probably can't.