gracielle
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From 1972-74 I worked for the U.S. Public Health Service based in SF. I compiled a file full of first-person anecdotes which I recorded from my conversations with illegal immigrants from Mexico, El Salvador and Nicaragua who did get through and arrived thanks to the "coyotes", a thriving business by then.
In 1973, the United Farm Workers set up a "wet line" along the United States-Mexico border to prevent Mexican immigrants from entering the United States illegally and potentially undermining the UFW's unionization efforts.[22] During one such event, in which Chavez was not involved, some UFW members, under the guidance of Chavez's cousin Manuel, physically attacked the strikebreakers after peaceful attempts to persuade them not to cross the border failed.[23][24][25].
.....Chavez had long preferred grassroots action to legislative work, but in 1974, propelled by the recent election of the pro-union Jerry Brown as governor of California, as well as a costly battle with the Teamsters union over the organizing of farmworkers, Chavez decided to try to work toward legal victories.[27] Once in office Brown's support for the UFW cooled.[27] The UFW decided to organize a 110-mile (180 km) march by a small group of UFW leaders from San Francisco to the E & J Gallo Winery in Modesto. Just a few hundred marchers left San Francisco on February 22, 1975. By the time they reached Modesto on March 1, however, more than 15,000 people had joined the march en route.[27] The success of the Modesto march garnered significant media attention, and helped convince Brown and others that the UFW still had significant popular support.[27]
Chavez placing Jerry Brown's name for nomination during the roll call vote at the 1976 Democratic National Convention. On June 4, 1975, Governor Brown signed into law the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA), which established collective bargaining for farm workers. The act set up the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) to oversee the process.
In mid-1976, the ALRB ran out of its budgeted money for the year, as a result of a massive amount of work in setting up farmworker elections. The California legislature refused to allocate more money, so the ALRB closed shop for the year.[28] In response, Chavez gathered signatures in order to place Proposition 14 on the ballot, which would guarantee the right of union organizers to visit and recruit farmworkers, even if it meant trespassing on private property controlled by farm owners. The proposition went before California voters in November 1976, but was defeated by a 2–1 margin.[28]
Setbacks and a change of direction, 1976–1988
As a result of the failure of Proposition 14, Chavez decided that the UFW suffered from disloyalty, poor motivation and lack of communication.[28] He felt that the union needed to turn into a "movement".[29] He took inspiration from the Synanon community of California (which he had visited previously), which had begun as a drug rehabilitation center before turning into a New Age religious organization.[30] Synanon had pioneered what they referred to as "the Game", in which each member would be singled out in turn to receive harsh, profanity-laced criticism from the rest of the community.[30] Chavez instituted "the Game" at UFW, having volunteers, including senior members of the organization, receive verbal abuse from their peers.[30] He also fired many members, whom he accused of disloyalty; in some cases he accused volunteers of being spies for either the Republican Party or the Communists.[29]
The trouble with Paradise there is always a snake, or 2, or 3 in the grass.
From 1972-74 I worked for the U.S. Public Health Service based in SF. I compiled a file full of first-person anecdotes which I recorded from my conversations with illegal immigrants from Mexico, El Salvador and Nicaragua who did get through and arrived thanks to the "coyotes", a thriving business by then.
In 1973, the United Farm Workers set up a "wet line" along the United States-Mexico border to prevent Mexican immigrants from entering the United States illegally and potentially undermining the UFW's unionization efforts.[22] During one such event, in which Chavez was not involved, some UFW members, under the guidance of Chavez's cousin Manuel, physically attacked the strikebreakers after peaceful attempts to persuade them not to cross the border failed.[23][24][25].
.....Chavez had long preferred grassroots action to legislative work, but in 1974, propelled by the recent election of the pro-union Jerry Brown as governor of California, as well as a costly battle with the Teamsters union over the organizing of farmworkers, Chavez decided to try to work toward legal victories.[27] Once in office Brown's support for the UFW cooled.[27] The UFW decided to organize a 110-mile (180 km) march by a small group of UFW leaders from San Francisco to the E & J Gallo Winery in Modesto. Just a few hundred marchers left San Francisco on February 22, 1975. By the time they reached Modesto on March 1, however, more than 15,000 people had joined the march en route.[27] The success of the Modesto march garnered significant media attention, and helped convince Brown and others that the UFW still had significant popular support.[27]
Chavez placing Jerry Brown's name for nomination during the roll call vote at the 1976 Democratic National Convention. On June 4, 1975, Governor Brown signed into law the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA), which established collective bargaining for farm workers. The act set up the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) to oversee the process.
In mid-1976, the ALRB ran out of its budgeted money for the year, as a result of a massive amount of work in setting up farmworker elections. The California legislature refused to allocate more money, so the ALRB closed shop for the year.[28] In response, Chavez gathered signatures in order to place Proposition 14 on the ballot, which would guarantee the right of union organizers to visit and recruit farmworkers, even if it meant trespassing on private property controlled by farm owners. The proposition went before California voters in November 1976, but was defeated by a 2–1 margin.[28]
Setbacks and a change of direction, 1976–1988
As a result of the failure of Proposition 14, Chavez decided that the UFW suffered from disloyalty, poor motivation and lack of communication.[28] He felt that the union needed to turn into a "movement".[29] He took inspiration from the Synanon community of California (which he had visited previously), which had begun as a drug rehabilitation center before turning into a New Age religious organization.[30] Synanon had pioneered what they referred to as "the Game", in which each member would be singled out in turn to receive harsh, profanity-laced criticism from the rest of the community.[30] Chavez instituted "the Game" at UFW, having volunteers, including senior members of the organization, receive verbal abuse from their peers.[30] He also fired many members, whom he accused of disloyalty; in some cases he accused volunteers of being spies for either the Republican Party or the Communists.[29]
The trouble with Paradise there is always a snake, or 2, or 3 in the grass.
The application itself is close to 1K just to file the paperwork. Then in order to be approved, the sponsor or co-sponsor of the intending CR-1 immigrant need to make a certain amount of verifiable income. A low income person simply wouldn't meet the criteria to be a sponsor for another immigrant. Also, if you are trying to bring someone in for work purposes, you need to show there is no one in the US capable of doing that work and/or the intending immigrant is in possession of extraordinary skills. 
